One Nation, One Election: The Constitutional Promise and Federalism Risk

Abstract

This article examines the proposal for One Nation One Election (ONOE) in India by synchronising elections for the Lok Sabha, State Assemblies, and local bodies into a single electoral cycle. It traces the historical background of simultaneous elections, analyses the constitutional and administrative arguments in its favour, and critically addresses the drawbacks relating to federalism and regional representation. The article also outlines the constitutional amendments required for implementation and draws on the German model as a comparative reference in the present scenario.

It concludes that while implementation poses real challenges, One Nation One Election remains a constitutionally sound and a beneficial reform worth implementing in a long run.

Keywords

One Nation One Election, federalism, regional representation, synchronising elections.

Introduction

The 170th Report of the Law Commission was among the first authoritative voices to advocate for restoring simultaneous elections, emphasising that state legislative assemblies should be elected separately only as an exception rather than the rule. The phrase "simultaneous elections" suggests that elections for all three levels of government will take place at the same time. Dating back to the post-independence elections, simultaneous elections were first conducted in the year 1951-52. Later, it was conducted in 1951, 1962 and 1967. There were disruptions of state assemblies and later the Lok Sabha was dissolved before the term in the year 1970.

As a result, premature dissolutions of both Lok Sabha and state assemblies have interrupted in conducting the simultaneous elections. The Election Commission of India on its report has pointed out the need to reduce the duplication of efforts and expenditure. The need for simultaneous election was then suggested by the law commission in its 170th Report for the stability in governance. Therefore, the concept of One nation One Election came into place.

Analysis on Policy Justifications

The High-level committee (HLC) on Simultaneous Elections was constituted in 2023 and it was headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind. The report emphasised on bringing constitutional amendments for conducting the simultaneous elections. The apprehension among the people and the political parties were that the decision could distort voter behaviour by inducing electors to favour national parties at the expense of regional parties and it will be overshadowed by national parties. This apprehension has been countered by the report stating that people are wise enough to make judgments and differentiate between the regional and national issues.

The majority and minority conflict do not apply to the ethnic groups as Indian diversities leads to strengthening of unity. For instance, in the recent Lok Sabha elections, National Democratic Alliance came into power and at the same time Telugu Desam Party emerged victorious in the state of Andhra Pradesh. This clearly shows that the regional parties will not be foreshadowed and there shall be inclination towards the national party is a weak conclusion. Bibek Debroy and Kishore Desai have posed a criticism that facing electorate frequently can make politicians accountable.

The counter to this argument can be that the attention span of the public is very low and they might be influenced by the recent promises and campaigns. There are numerous instances where political parties have indulged in giving empty promises and manipulate public opinion which results in demagoguery. Conducting elections every year can disrupt public and administrative functions and activities. The Election Commission of India has now estimated that holding elections for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies of States and UTs will cost INR 4500 crore. Indian election costs have risen sharply from ₹10.

5 crore in 1951-52 to ₹3,870 crore for the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, to roughly ₹50,000 crore in 2019, and an estimated ₹1.35 lakh crore in 2024 more than double the 2019 figure according to comprehensive spending estimates by the Centre for Media Studies. The Election Commission's own administrative budget grew more modestly, increasing from ₹236.6 crore in 2018-19 to ₹340 crore in 2023-24, alongside a rise in EC staff from 591 in 2022 to 855 in 2024. Disclosed party spending for 2024 general elections totalled ₹3,352.81 crore across 32 national and regional parties, with BJP accounting for the largest share at ₹1,493.91 crore (44.

56%), though the real figure is likely much higher since the Association for Democratic Reforms found roughly 60% of contributions to India's six major parties from 2004-05 to 2022-23 totalling ₹19,083 crore which came from undisclosed sources. This creates a lot of financial hardships on the country.

The deployment of the security forces for a longer period as the state assemblies conduct election every six months. This kind of situation poses a threat to internal security of the state or the centre where they are deployed. The Model Code of Conduct is applied throughout the country during the time of elections. The set of norms will be laid down and it has to be followed in letter and spirit by the whole country. The Model Code of Conduct halts development of some public functions, affects governance, and frequently results in policy paralysis. Voter turnout may rise since India's existing system of conducting separate elections discourages more people from participating in the political process.

Therefore, we require certain change, inclusivity and accountability in the electoral reforms by implementing One Nation One Election.

Way Forward: Proposed Implementation Mechanism

The High-Level Committee has suggested that the simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and the State Legislative Assemblies be held in first phase and within 100 days Municipalities and Panchayat elections can be held. There are certain difficulties which are associated with respect to the implementation of the simultaneous elections model. First, it is clearly given in the Articles 83(2) and 172(1) of the Constitution that the term of Lok Sabha and the State assemblies shall be for five years. The premature dissolution of the assemblies cannot be done unless certain amendments are made.

Under Section 15(2) of the Representation of People Act, 1950, the elections can be held within six months before the term or dissolution by the parties. The elections can be synchronised in a gradual manner by making certain amendments to the constitutional provisions. The best example for One Nation One Election is Germany which conducts elections for lower house, state assembly and local elections simultaneously. They follow constructive vote of no-confidence motion which means agreeing for the replacement alongside the disagreement with the opponents.

The argument that conducting simultaneous elections is antifederal, unconstitutional and alters the basis structure doctrine has to be rejected as it does not affect free and fair elections. This can be substantiated by opinion of former Chief justice Dipak Misra in HLC report that India being quasi federal, it cannot be considered as anti-federal and blends with the principles of collaborative federalism. Some recommendations are noteworthy by the HLC such as tenure for the dissolution will only be for the unexpired term, having single electoral roll and electors' identity card.

The One Nation One Election can only be implemented when 50 percent states ratify to implement the amendments in accordance to article 368(2) of the Constitution as it requires coordination from the states.

Conclusion

"The time fleets, generations grow, society changes, values and needs also change by time. There can be no denial that law should change with the changing time and changing needs of the society." The welfare of people comes first and is the ultimate objective. Promoting wellbeing and the greater good of society as a whole are the primary goals. The Government of India and the respective State Governments can split the costs if elections are held concurrently. The State Governments may cover the initial costs, and the Government of India would repay their portion upon submission of the audited report.

The first four years elections of state assemblies and Lok Sabha was held simultaneously and One Nation One Election is not a novel experiment. Furthermore, the elections can be conducted in phased manner for better implementation and an attempt can be made for reducing the frequency of elections. Lastly, I believe there are significant benefits from One Nation One Election and the drawbacks should not be ignored. As the advantages outweighs disadvantages, certain measures has to be taken to implement One Nation One Election in a full-fledged manner. One Nation One Election is a simple idea with far-reaching consequences to vote together, and govern better.

Frequent election cycles can keep governments in campaign mode and push administration to the margins. Simultaneous elections may reduce that pressure, but implementation would require substantial constitutional amendment and genuine federal consent. Any reform must improve governance without weakening regional representation or responsible government.

Primary materials

Key primary materials: Constitution of India (Legislative Department); Supreme Court of India judgments.